Remarks Made At Workshop of New Jersey Teacher Activist Groups
Mark D NaisonProfessor of African American Studies and History
Principal InvestigatorBronx African American History Project
640 Dealy HallFordham UniversityBronx, NY 10458Phone
(718) 817-3748 Fax
(718) 817-3385
MARK D. NAISON/FACULTY/FIRE11/05/2011 04:39 PM To
Naison@fordham.edu
Some Historical Perspectives on Teacher Activism: Remarks by Mark Naison
at Workshop of New Jersey Teacher Activist Groups, Montclair State
University, Nov 5, 2011
There is a long history of Teacher Activism in the United States. In New
York City, the tradition goes back to the late 1930s when teachers
associated with the Communist Party and the New York City teachers union
fought to have racist teachers removed or reassigned, to have Negro
History Month honored in the NYC Public schools and to challenge the
placement of Black students in the lowest tracks and most decayed
schools in a highly tracked school system.. This legacy of anti-racist
activism, always done in collaboration with civil rights organizations
and community groups, lasted into the late 50's when many of the most
effective teacher activists were pushed out of the New York school
system during the Cold War. This forgotten tradition is described in
depth in Clarence Taylor's new book. Reds and the Black Board:
Communism, Civil Rights and the New York City Teachers Union.
After the old Teachers Union faded from the scene, another group of
teacher activists, drawing upon a broad coalition of liberals,
Socialists and moderate trade unionists,, won recognition for the United
Federation of Teachers as official bargaining agent for New York City
School teachers, winning them decent salaries , job security, and come
level of freedom of expression inside and outside their schools.
Unfortunately, this union soon found itself engaged in a conflict with
some community leaders in Harlem and Ocean Hill Brownsville during a
series of brutal strikes challenging community control of school
policies in those neighborhoods. These strikes not only created a
fissure between UFT and civil rights organizations, it created fissures
within the UFT between supporters and opponents of the strike that left a
legacy of bitterness that lasted for years to come.
In the wake of that strike the UFT proved powerless to resist a
devastating attack on the New York City Public schools orchestrated by
bankers who dominated the Emergency Financial Board which took the city
into financial receivership following the Fiscal Crisis of 1975. The
Board of Education was forced by this Board to make budget cuts which
closed down the world class music programs in the city's junior high
schools ( most junior high schools had upwards of 200 musical
instruments which were lent out free of charge to anyone who had made
their bands or orchestras) and ended the after school programs and night
centers which were a fixture of every public school in the city in the
1940's 1950's and 1960's. These programs were never fully replaced,
leaving children in the city's schools, from the late 1970s on, with far
less in the way of arts and sports and after school mentoring than
their parents generation had enjoyed in those very same schoolsNearly 40
years have passed since the Fiscal Crisis budget cuts and our public
schools now face a challenge more insidious and perhaps, more
formidables.
All across the nation, a poisonous coalition of multi billionaire
business leaders, test and technology companies, charitable foundations
and elected officials are pushing a nationwide education agenda that
involves the introduction of high stakes testing at all grade levels,
evaluation of teachers and schools based on student test scores, and the
introduction of "competition" into public education by the creation of
independently managed charter schools given special advantages in
funding and recruitment.This Education Reform agenda, embraced by
both the Bush and Obama Administrations and embodied in No Child Left
Behind and Race to the Top, represents a formidable assault on teachers
hard won collective bargaining rights as well as their classroom
autonomy and freedom of expression, but it also represents a devastating
attack on children in America's working class and poor communities at a
time when our nation is experiencing a devastating redistribution of
wealth upward and a sharp increase in poverty levels.
Not only does corporate education reform reduce schooling in the
nation's poor communities to test prep and obedience training ,
squeezing out critical thinking and the arts, it divides those
communities against themselves by transforming charter schools into
privileged enclaves which promise passage out of the neighborhood to a
few lucky children and view the remaining public schools, and their
students, with aversion and contempt.
Given the complex challenge corporate education reform poses, today's
teacher activists cannot just have a strategy which is solely school or
teacher centered. They must become community organizers who fight school
closings, the proliferation of tests, and the weakening of teacher
bargaining rights as attacks on the ability of working class people and
people of color to fight for better opportunities for themselves and
their children.
In this setting, Teacher Activists must put forth a vision of Radical
Democracy which envisions an education which empowers students as
critical thinkers and agents of historical change, not just as obedient
test takers and which envisions schools playing a central role in
neighborhoods united and mobilized to get a fair share of the nation's
resources. Occupy Wall Street has provided a language and an example to
put that model of Radical Democracy into practice. But it cannot work
unless teachers link their own fate to that of the students they work
with and the people in the communities where their schools are located.
Unless Teacher activists become community organizers and justice
fighters in the broadest sense, they will lose the battle to defend
their classrooms from the incursions of corporate interests.
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