Monday, April 26, 2010

Marc Millot Comments on NY Times Page 1 on Imagine Schools CMO

I hope you will alert your readers to Stephanie Strom's page one article in Saturday's Times

New York Times
... there really is no way an entity should end up on both sides of business transactions,” said Marc Dean Millot, publisher of the report K-12 Leads and a ...

OK, I did get quoted and I did help her out - so I have a interest here - but what's important here is that a national paper picked up a concern we all share about the potential for CMO's to abuse charter school law.

I have also urged Stephanie to consider a magazine-length article. She's collected so much more than is in the story. She's made a great many contacts across the nation. There's something here for Mother Jones, the Atlantic, The New Yorker, etc. She's done most of the basic research. All she really needs to do is find some Imagine/CMO supporters who are willing to talk on record. I'm sure Chris Whittle and Steven Wilson would talk. I think I could get a few E/CMOs CEOs to talk - Mike Ronan, maybe others. I don't know about most of the new philanthropy's investees.

One way of convincing the national print media to devote more attention to this is to generate "buzz" suggesting reader interest. One measure of buzz is the number of independent bloggers who pick stories up, link their readers to the source, get them to comment on the paper's blog, provide their own comments on their own blogs and generate reactions from their readers there. You guys can do this.

Please take a few minutes to tell your readers about the story, and give them your two cents on its meaning.

I have talked with reporters for thirty years. My most important objective is helping them understand the context. issues, politics and personalities, and I recognize that quotes represent reporters respect for helpful contributions. In my Strangelovian days working nuclear war, I was always off the record, so I must admit I appreciate the quotes in domestic stories. Not to seem ungrateful, but I'm never completely satisfied with these quotes. I'm just not great at devising sound bites reporters see as such, and I always feel the quote leaves me Ivulnerable to critiques without a means of immediate, direct reply. (Maybe I should start a blog.)

If you are interested in the basis of my quoted declaration in the Times:

I do not believe that what Imagine has done with charter school real estate is legal:

Here is the text of an email I sent to colleagues Paul Hill and Robin Lake at the Center on Reinventing Public Education in Seattle. CRPE is doing an evaluation of CMOs financed by New School and I am urging them to incorporate into their review the real estate finance model developed by Imagine:

Subject: The troublesome side charter school facilities finance

I really hope you make an effort to understand Imagine Schools business model. Smart business model, bad public policy.

The key is facilities finance. Imagine captures a local charter board and effectively controls the school. Imagine or a related entity purchases real estate for the school. It secures a construction loan for a new building on the basis of a long term lease signed by the school. Because it controls the school, it negotiates with itself, resulting in a lease payment very favorable to the lessor. Once the building is completed, Imagine sells the building. Because of the favorable long term lease, Imagine gets a great price for the building and pulls out a lot of money. It pays off the construction loan and pockets the difference.

What is wrong with this picture? Two things:

• When Imagine sells the building it is essentially recovering from the taxpayer the present value of future lease earnings while ending responsibility to the taxpayer for future school performance. It breaks the charter idea's "basic bargain" of autonomy for accountability. Imagine has figured out how to separate financial and academic success. No matter what happens to the charter school after the sale -- academically or otherwise, Imagine walks away with profits made by selling future lease revenues.

• Because Imagine controls the board, but does not actually hold the charter, the charter school (stakeholder community) does not capture the value of the building (the whole point of sales-leaseback finance). It retains sole responsibility for performance, but loses resources that might help it perform.

There's no reason any E/CMO couldn't try this.

There are fixes - enforcing existing charter and nonprofit law might be a good start, and maybe special oversight of sale-leaseback financing terms, , but I haven't seen anyone discuss them - or this. Eduwonks need to get smart here.


Also see USED IG report on charter abuse - not directly relevant, but worth reviewing:


=

And just so it's clear I am not philosophically opposed to charters or E/CMOs and using the legal argument as a means to ending them, from another email:

My bottom line - no legal structure can eliminate corruption or incompetence. Killing charters or CMOs will hardly end either in public education. The traditional system of public education has its share of both. These are conditions to be managed rather than problems to be solved.

I am impressed by the fact that after some 20 years of operation, by any objective measure, charter school performance is roughly the same as the centralized government run model. Experts for and against end up arguing over the details of evaluation methodology. Knowledgeable observers must conclude that the jury is still out, and begin to consider whether there might be value to charters even if they only perform at the same level at the same cost. But if after two decades they perform on average as well as traditional public schools, that strikes me as an argument to keep going and see what happens.

It is not an argument maintaining poor oversight. Brigands are not market stakeholders, they are market threats. Markets can work, but without basic regulation to identify, punish and deter gross abuse of the public trust, the result is only legalized anarchy.

I know you guys have different takes on the meaning of all this. Great! Let's get it out for public debate!

One last point. I served as President of the National Charter Schools Alliance, which I'd call a national umbrella for state-level associations of grassroots charters for roughly three months when it was killed off by the new philanthropy. It was a real learning experience, and I expect to get criticized by my own adversaries for the implication that such a short tenure is a basis for credibility. It is hardly is the sole basis of my expertise. I must have had some prior experience that led the NCSA board to elect me, and I've done a great deal of writing on CMOs since. Still, I expect grief.

Dean

Proposals for AFT Convention from Michigan

Dear fellow AFT member,

The two resolutions below were submitted to AFT Michigan on Friday, for consideration at the May 15th state convention.

I urge you to consider submitting them to your own state convention as well, if possible, and your AFT local.

My understanding is that only state federations and locals can submit them to the AFT National Convention in July.

Both resolutions were written by the Defend Public Education / Save Our Students Caucus of the Detroit Federation of Teachers. As you may already know, our slate swept the DFT elections for national delegates in March.

Please feel free to contact me if you have any questions.


Steve Conn
Detroit Federation of Teachers delegate to the 2010 AFT National and Michigan Conventions
313.645.9340




Resolution that the AFT Sponsor a National March on Washington, DC In Defense of Public Education

Whereas:

1. Public education is the most universally popular democratic, egalitarian gain of the last 100 years of American history. It is our nation’s most effective collective mechanism for achieving equality and integration – the entire basis for American progress in the new century.

2. The many and various efforts to attack, weaken, and dismantle public education threaten our entire country with a devastating historical setback.

3. The proud history of the American Federation of Teachers is one of consistently defending, strengthening and improving public education as a fundamental democratic right for all Americans. The AFT has a unique and exceptionally important role to play in the struggles taking place around the country to defend public education.

Resolved:

  1. That the American Federation of Teachers will organize a million-strong March on Washington, DC in Defense of Public Education this fall.
  2. That the demands of the March on Washington to Defend Public Education will be, “End the ‘Race To The Top’ Scheme now; Release All Federal Funds to the States Based on Need; End the Attacks Against Teachers, Black, Latina/o, and Poor, Working-Class and Middle-Class Students of All Races; No Privatization of Public Education; No More Separate and Unequal; Build the New, Youth-led Civil Rights Movement; and Restore Dr. Martin Luther King’s Vision for America.”
  3. That the AFT will contact and encourage all potential allies in building this historic mobilization, including the National Education Association and other unions, students, civil rights groups, community organizations, local school boards and parent associations.



Resolution that Our Union Not Participate in the Race to the Top Grant Application Process, and Instead Demand the Dispersal of all Federal Education Funds on the Basis of Need, Not Arne Duncan’s Political Agenda

Whereas:

1. The Race to the Top is an attack on public education. It is fundamentally based on using federal funds raised through public taxes to push a politically charged, educationally ruinous agenda of privatization and union-busting. This is an agenda that has absolutely no popular support anywhere in the country, once it is exposed for what it truly is. Race to the Top will increase inequality based on race and class.

2. It is precisely in order to conceal the real aims and affects of his agenda, that Arne Duncan is so concerned to have teachers’ union participation in the grant application process. Teachers can destroy much of Duncan’s momentum simply by publicly speaking the truth about what would really happen to our students if his plans were implemented.

Resolved:

1. That the AFT and its state and local affiliates will not participate in the Race to the Top grant application process.

2. That the AFT and its state and local affiliates will instead vigorously demand that the federal government disperse all federal education funds to the states and cities based on need.

Rochester Demo Opposing Mayoral Control

Community Education Task Force

PRESS RELEASE

************************************************

For Immediate Release..........For Immediate Release

*************************************************

Metro Justice

Declaration of Peace

Rochester IndyMedia

United Church Ministries

Baptist Ministers Alliance

Social Welfare Action Alliance

Green Party of Monroe County

Alliance For Quality Education

Students For a Democratic Society

International Socialists Organization

Rochester Police Accountability Coalition

Center For the Study of Civil and Human Rights Laws

Activists Against Racism Movement (http://aarm.rocus.org)

Vision Ministries International (www.cmichaeltillmanministries.org)

April 25, 2010
WHAT: Protest & Demonstration
WHEN: Thursday, April 29, 2010 ------ 5:00 PM ------ 5:00 PM
WHERE: Near Brio Wine Bar & Grill (Pittsford Colony Plaza, 3400 Monroe Avenue)
WHY: To show opposition to Joe Morelle's, Robert Duffy's and David Gantt's
unprincipled and undemocratic efforts to shove MAYORAL CONTROL
of the Rochester City School District down the Rochester community's
collective throat --- without even talking to us.
WHO: Community Education Task Force
Contact: Brian Erway and/or Tim Adams at: community-education-internal@lists.rocus.org
Tim Adams was quoted as having said "Clearly members of Rochester's and Monroe County's ruling class elite don't have to think twice about spending $500.00 to participate in a two-hour party and fundraising event for Joe Morelle --- while at the same time --- RCSD students and parents are worrying about the possibility that their schools' budgets are going to be cut so deeply that the rhetoric of them supposedly being guaranteed a 'sound basic education' --- becomes just that --- mere empty rhetoric. Yet these same wealthy people who are capable of raising hundreds-of-thousands of dollars in a couple of hours --- want to deprive predominantly poor, black and brown Rochester citizens of their rights to elect their representatives to the Rochester Board of Education. This is amazing --- truly amazing!"

Sunday, April 25, 2010

Profiling Ed Deformer Rhode Island Education Commissioner Deborah A. Gist

If you went to an impoverished, high-crime part of any city and, based on the statistics, decided to fire police officers, you’d think that’s crazy,” says Bruce Marlowe, a professor of educational psychology and special education at Roger Williams University, who has been critical of the commissioner’s approach.

Shaking up the school system

The Reformer

By DAVID SCHARFENBERG | April 21, 2010

Read more: http://thephoenix.com/Boston/news/101121-shaking-up-the-school-system/#ixzz0m7YO1N00

In a state plagued by an often stagnant political culture, Rhode Island Education Commissioner Deborah A. Gist has proved a startling bolt of energy.

Just 10 months into her tenure, she has won a major charter schools expansion, ratcheted up standards for would-be teachers, and taken control of the troubled Rhode Island School for the Deaf.

In January, the commissioner called out six of the state’s lowest-performing schools and demanded wholesale reform, setting the stage for the headline-grabbing dismissal of the entire staff at Central Falls High School.

And these days, she is pressing the General Assembly for a prize that has eluded reformers for years: a funding formula that would add some equity to a haphazard and often unfair distribution of education aid.

Gist, 43, walks briskly, maintains a packed schedule, and accepts no excuses.

“She’s changed the nature of the game,” says Robert A. Walsh, executive director of the National Education Association-Rhode Island teachers union, which has tangled with the commissioner on a number of occasions. “Significantly.”

But if the shake-up owes much to the quirky determination of a figure who once scaled Mount Kilimanjaro with an Ellen DeGeneres banner in tow, it is also a reflection of a striking moment in education reform.

Eight years after President Bush signed the No Child Left Behind Act into law, President Obama has emerged as a neoliberal champion of the market-driven reform movement ushered in by his predecessor.

His education secretary Arne Duncan, originally viewed as a compromise between the free-market camp and the traditionalists aligned with teachers unions, has proven a strong proponent of the market-driven approach.

And the administration’s signature education initiative, the $4.35 billion Race to the Top grants competition, has served as a remarkably effective inducement to change in the cash-strapped hinterland.

In Rhode Island, the prospect of millions in federal aid proved a powerful incentive to raising the cap on charter schools. And it could play a major role in securing passage of the funding formula.

But when Gist won a spot among 16 finalists in the first round of the Race to the Top contest, the coup merely added to a larger sense of momentum around education reform here.

The state school board is eager for action; the departing governor is determined to leave an imprint; the philanthropic community is on board; a group of mayors, led by Cumberland’s Daniel J. McKee, is pursuing a new kind of charter school. Observers say they have never seen the state’s leadership so aligned around education reform.

But for all the momentum, the announcement last month that Rhode Island did not prevail in the first round of the federal dollars chase marked a setback both financial and psychic: the state’s surge into the finalists’ circle had not only stirred visions of some $126 million in federal aid, it had also stoked hopes that Gist’s take-charge style could make a winner of a state that often seems destined to fail.

Instead, critics were left to ruminate on the drawbacks of the uncompromising approach that makes Gist so appealing: the feds rejected Rhode Island’s first-round application, in part, because the commissioner failed to line up significant union support for her plans.

But as Gist regroups for a second-round application, and pledges to move forward with reform whether the federal dollars materialize or not, a more fundamental critique of her project lingers.

Critics say Gist and like-minded reformers across the country — Joel Klein of New York, Michelle Rhee of Washington DC, and Duncan, among them — are pouring huge sums of money and political capital into a model that is unworthy of investment.

Indeed, more than a decade into our experiment with free-market reform, it is far from clear that the initiatives at the center of that effort are working: charter schools, on average, perform no better than traditional public schools; and turnarounds of the sort contemplated in Central Falls have done little to boost achievement.

But if the overall record is mixed, there are examples of success. Adherents of the free-market school say reform, if properly executed, can have a real impact.

And Gist, her supporters insist, can deliver for the state — by sheer force of will, if necessary.

‘A SENSE OF JUSTICE’
Rhode Island’s education commissioner averages five hours of sleep per night. She runs marathons. She has flown in an F-18 with the Blue Angels. She claimed a spot in the Guinness Book of World Records, for a couple of years, after collecting 112 kisses on the cheek in a single minute.

And there is more to do, it seems. In her black shoulder bag, Gist carries a spreadsheet laying out her goals in three categories — annual, ongoing, and life. Some she declines to reveal — not very “commissioner-like,” she says.

But the rest speak to a woman of eclectic enthusiasms: flying lessons, a visit to the salt flats in Bolivia, and at least one date per month with her husband Jock Friedly, a former investigative reporter.


Gist, who grew up in Tulsa, Oklahoma, can’t quite pinpoint the origin of her drive. “I don’t know, actually, because I’m very different from my family,” she says. “They thought I was some strange creature that was dropped from the sky.”

But Gist says she knew, early on, that she wanted to work in the classroom. In the seventh grade, she completed a project titled “My Career as a Pre-School Teacher.” And Gist’s ambition was cemented a few years later when her high school class adopted an impoverished family at Christmas.

Bearing food, presents, and a tree, Gist and several classmates set out for the family’s home and encountered a scene of deprivation that remains with her decades later. There were mattresses on the floor, she says. The cabinets were bare. A faulty heating system left a strange smell.

“I was just deeply affected by their circumstances,” Gist says. “And it was at that point that I made the commitment that what I wanted to do was teach — and teach children who most needed a quality education to lift themselves out of those kinds of circumstances. I just felt, from a sense of justice, that people shouldn’t have to live like that.”

Gist went on to work in classrooms in Fort Worth, Texas and Tampa, Florida, picking up school-level “Teacher of the Year” awards in both cities. And she showed early signs of ambition: in Tampa, she founded a center on environmental education and a countywide reading program.

When she moved on to a school district job, she recalls, her first meeting with “grown-ups” seemed hopelessly slow: “Everyone was sort of getting their coffee and sitting down and chit-chatting,” she says, “and I just remember thinking, ‘This is what you guys do every day?’ ”

Gist moved up quickly. In the waning days of the Clinton Administration, she took a job as a senior policy analyst in the US Department of Education, hoping an Al Gore victory would prolong her stay.

That was not to be, of course. But she would remain in the capital. Former Washington DC Mayor Anthony A. Williams appointed her to run the district’s modest state education office in 2004. And when Mayor Adrian Fenty took control of the schools in 2007, she became DC’s first state superintendent of education.

It was an odd title — Washington is not a state, after all — for an odd job. Gist was technically a rung above Rhee, the district’s high-profile, take-no-prisoners schools chancellor. But Rhee had day-to-day control of the schools and something approaching carte blanche from Fenty.

Gist, by contrast, reported to a deputy mayor on the organization chart. And when she attempted to assert oversight of the chancellor’s wide-ranging plans to turn around Washington’s failing schools, city lawyers overruled her.

Gist says she did not chafe under the capital’s awkward school governance structure. She was fully engaged, she says, in the work of building the state superintendent’s office. And Sekou Biddle, who serves on the Washington DC State Board of Education, says he never heard Gist complain about the limits on her power.

But it was clear, Biddle says, that there was not room in the capital for two ambitious reformers. Rhee, he says, “has really sucked a lot of the air out of who’s in charge of education in DC.”

THE RHODE ISLAND CHALLENGE
By the fall of 2008, Rhode Island’s Board of Regents for Elementary and Secondary Education was on the hunt for a new schools chief.

Education Commissioner Peter McWalters, who was planning to leave his post after some 18 years on the job, had built no small legacy. He expanded the office’s role during the No Child Left Behind era and made some important gestures toward reform.

The regents strengthened high school graduation requirements under his watch. And just before he left office, McWalters gave the Providence schools the power to disregard seniority in placing teachers — a power that his successor would grant to districts statewide.

But a board increasingly dominated by Governor Carcieri’s appointees was growing frustrated by the intransigence of Rhode Island’s education troubles: the state ranks near the top in per-pupil spending and near the bottom on standardized test scores; the “achievement gap” separating white and Latino students is among the worst in the country; just 55 percent of the state’s high school graduates go on to college, ranking 43rd in the nation.

High-tech entrepreneur Angus Davis, a Carcieri appointee to the board, was co-chair of the search committee for a new superintendent. And one of his first chats, just days after Barack Obama’s victory in the presidential election, was with Duncan, then CEO of the Chicago Public Schools.

Duncan demurred when Davis asked if he would be interested in the Rhode Island post. But he recommended Gist. And her name kept popping up, in calls to New York and Washington and Los Angeles.

Gist’s most enthusiastic supporters were champions of a market-driven approach to education reform that took root with Southern governors like Lamar Alexander and came into full bloom with No Child Left Behind.

The approach has long troubled teachers’ unions and left-leaning academics. But it has come under increased scrutiny of late with the persistence of the achievement gaps — between rich and poor, white and black — that helped give rise to the reform in the first place.

Diane Ravitch, an education historian who served in George H.W. Bush’s administration and once championed the standards movement, has emerged as its most potent critic.

Ravitch says No Child Left Behind, which demands that 100 percent of students reach proficiency, created absurd expectations. And when the schools fell short, she says, it fed a narrative declaring public education a failure and insisting that a market-based approach to reform is the answer.

That faith in the market has persisted in the face of the recent financial calamity is “breathtaking, to say the least,” Ravitch says.

“I mean it isn’t just Enron and WorldCom,” she says. “The collapse of almost the whole economy in the fall of 2008 should have persuaded people that there’s a reason we don’t trust the markets to support community functions.”

And given the mixed record of the market-based approach, she says, the argument for taking it to scale is weak: why invest so heavily in the unproven, she asks, and risk destroying public education in the process?

Eric Hanushek, a senior fellow at Stanford University’s Hoover Institution and a key figure in the free-market camp, acknowledges the modest results of the reform: there have been successes, but no one has figured out how to replicate them.

The replication problem, though, is no reason to revert to more traditional tactics, he says. “The sort of ‘do what you’ve been doing before but do a little more of it’ approach hasn’t worked,” Hanushek says.

When a school fails year after year, he says, you’ve got to do something, and “just because we don’t know the optimum [thing to do] doesn’t mean we should turn our backs on failure.”

‘SHE CAN BE BRUSQUE’


Gist, for her part, rejects any label. She has signed the manifestoes of both the market-driven and traditional camps and argues that there is more overlap between the two than is often acknowledged.

And supporters insist the commissioner, however driven, defies the easy caricature of the market-driven reformer. She came from the classroom, while many of her cohorts did not. And if the overhaul of Central Falls High School seems radical, Gist’s approach to turning around failing schools is more nuanced than the mass firing would suggest.

When she targeted Central Falls High and five low-performing Providence schools for reform, she gave district officials a number of options — including a management-union partnership that seems to be working out quite peaceably in the capital city.

Supporters add that Gist is more inclusive than, say, Rhee. The commissioner has made a point of visiting every school district in Rhode Island. She regularly convenes a group of top-flight teachers for feedback. She possesses strong interpersonal skills and a mischievous charm.

“I don’t think she’s seen as a volatile player,” says Elena Silva, a senior policy analyst at Washington-based think tank Education Sector. “She’s a little steadier. And I think that is probably a good thing.”

But if she looks different than other free-market reformers, it is hard to escape the conclusion that she is very much in their camp. Gist struggles to name a major initiative that would put her at odds with the market-driven crowd. And she trumpets the virtues of charter schools as reform laboratories, while acknowledging they are no panacea.

Even the commissioner’s configuration of her downtown Providence offices suggest an ideological bent: Gist has knocked down the walls and created a bullpen-style office of the sort that New York City Mayor Michael Bloomberg imported from Wall Street.

Gist, moreover, is a graduate of what may be the pre-eminent training program for free-market reformers: the Broad Foundation’s Superintendents Academy, a highly competitive 10-month course that schools private sector, military, and education leaders in “the business of urban education.”

Founded by billionaire financier Eli Broad eight years ago, the academy has watched its alumni secure key posts in some three dozen of the nation’s largest school districts.

Newly installed Kansas City Superin-tendent John Covington made national headlines when his school board voted to close nearly half the district’s schools after years of mismanagement and declining student enrollment. Vincent Matthews, appointed by the state of California to fix the troubled Oakland school system, has emerged as an important advocate of charter schools.

Gist, the first graduate of the superintendent’s academy to win a job as state commissioner of education, remains in the Broad orbit; she tapped Eli Broad’s foundation, along with the Aspen Institute and the Rhode Island Foundation, for help developing the state’s Race to the Top application.

And she has ties to other avatars of the new reform. There are connections to the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation. And she helped lure Teach for America, a non-profit that places graduates of top-flight colleges in some of the toughest public schools in the nation, to the state.

Supporters say Gist is intent on using all of the tools at her disposal — the training, the connections — to improve the lot of Rhode Island students. And she is not all that concerned about pissing off adults in the process.

Indeed, while Gist listens to a broad spectrum of views, backers say there are limits to what she will tolerate. “She can be brusque,” says Robert G. Flanders, chairman of the Board of Regents. “She doesn’t suffer fools gladly. She is someone who is all about the mission and how to get there.”

But Walsh, the affable union chief, suggests that approach could pose long-term problems in a state as intimate as Rhode Island: “A spoonful of sugar helps the medicine go down and there’s not a lot of Mary Poppins here.”

The main source of friction, at the moment: officials from the state’s two major teachers unions say Gist did not give them a meaningful opportunity to shape a Race to the Top application that will help guide reform in the state.

Labor only glimpsed the document when it was made available to the public just before it was finalized, Walsh says. Union officials were not allowed to take copies home for review. And the concessions the department made to their concerns were just around the edges.

‘A FEW FEDERAL SHEKELS’


Alienating the unions, a still-powerful if diminished force in Rhode Island politics, could have consequences for Gist’s agenda in the schools and the state legislature.

But Gist, for her part, says she has given labor a fair shake on Race to the Top. The unions had more access to top-level officials than any group during the development of the application, the commissioner insists. And she says the state had good reason to limit access to the document itself: the department, in competition with 40 other states around the country, did not want news of its most innovative proposals to leak out.

Now that Rhode Island’s major initiatives are in the public domain, Gist says, that kind of discretion won’t be necessary. And she has pledged to have an open dialogue with the unions as the deadline for second-round applications approaches on June 1.

But she seems unwilling to make significant concessions on top priorities, including a rigorous new teacher evaluation process that would make 51 percent of an instructor’s score contingent on student performance.

The unions maintain the system will be too rigid, given the disparities between the urban and suburban student bodies. Gist counters the system will give teachers in tough schools credit for student growth — even if those students continue to test below grade level. And while she is opening to some tinkering, the 51 percent standard will stay.

“For the most part, what I want to be engaging our teachers unions on is how we go about doing things,” she says, not “whether we do something. I’ve tried to be really up front about that.”

The commissioner appears to have the full support of the regents in this approach. Flanders, the board chairman, says the department of education will take seriously Washington’s push to boost union support for its reform program. But he adds that a state determined to press for wholesale reform, with or without Race to the Top dollars, will only go so far.


“We’re not going to sell our soul for a few federal shekels,” he says.

And they may not have to. The state, even if it makes relatively few concessions to the unions, could still have a solid shot at federal largess. Rhode Island ranked eighth in the first round of the competition, with only two states — Delaware and Tennessee — winning awards. And as many as a dozen states could get money in the second round. In fact, tempering the department’s plans could even hurt the state’s chances, Gist suggests.

But if the commissioner holds firm, critics say, she will be taking Rhode Island in a dangerous direction. Tough, radical reform of failing schools may sound good, they say, but it doesn’t do enough to acknowledge the complexity of the educational challenge.

“If you went to an impoverished, high-crime part of any city and, based on the statistics, decided to fire police officers, you’d think that’s crazy,” says Bruce Marlowe, a professor of educational psychology and special education at Roger Williams University, who has been critical of the commissioner’s approach.

But if the market-driven approach is flawed, many traditionalists acknowledge, their own answer to the challenges of public education — more pre-kindergarten and after-school programs, a better societal response to problems of poverty and hunger — is not terribly satisfying.

Gist bristles at all the talk of factors beyond educators’ control. “I get very concerned when I hear people tell me the litany of reasons why their students are not being successful,” she says.

Educators can no longer wait for better parents or the end of poverty, she insists. They must persevere. They must do better. And here, you can see where Gist’s ideology and personal experience converge.

Gist, the teacher, faced down poverty and hunger in the classroom. And Gist, the commissioner, is doing the same. These are the nation’s most stubborn challenges. And Rhode Island’s schools chief seems to believe that the human will, properly channeled, can break them.

David Scharfenberg can be reached at dscharfenberg@phx.com.

USDOE OIG - Charter $ Scandals


http://www2.ed.gov/about/offices/list/oig/invtreports/x42k0002.pdf

Above find link to 3/09 USDOE OIG (Office of Inspector General) report on various charter schools' fiscal shenanigans which the OIG folks had investigated. They hadn't gotten around to NYS when this was written, but in light of recent headlines, I'm sure they will. The USDOE OIG's office in this region is a very fine outfit, from what I've read of its published work.

Lots to make anti-charter folks happy in this report. Puhleez! - those of you who are anti-charter, read it line by line and feel free to get to me offlist (sappell@nyc.rr.com) if there's anything you don't understand. The important point in this audit report, from my viewpoint, is that the OIG reports that most charters are "supervised" by districts, and the districts are doing an abysmal job of supervising charters' financial operations. This is true, from what I can see, of NYC charters "supervised" by the NYCDOE as well.

On the other hand, you all should know that audit report after audit report for public school districts throughout the United States show repetitive fiscal shenanigans, indictments, convictions, etc., and a lot of these reports show fiscal shenanigans on the part of public school officials for which no punishment or penalty appears to have been levied. You can find NYS Comptroller audit reports for NYS districts here: http://www.osc.state.ny.us/localgov/audits/schools/index.htm. These tend to be pretty uniformly abysmal.

Whereas the USDOE OIG reports that most charters are "supervised" by the districts they're in or which chartered them, in NYS, districts financial operations are allegedly supervised and monitored by NYSED. What the NYS Comptroller's audits show is that districts in NYS do a lot of bad financial things and that when NYSED is notified about them, formally, it does virtually nothing to correct them. USDOE OIG audits of NYSED show the very same thing, writ large. You might also want to search out investigation reports done by the Special Com'r. of Investigations for the NYC Public Schools, Mr. Condon. Condon is far less agressive than his predecessor, Ed Stancik, was, but nevertheless, the few investigations his office issues publicly document the routine, run-of-the-mill corruption with which the NYCDOE is pervasively afflicted. I once asked one of Stancik's supervisors if the NYC DOE (and NYC Bd. of Ed.) actually punished people at or above the principal level when investigatory reports documented corruption and recommended termination. I was told that they could never get answers about this from the NYC DOE (and previously, the Bd. of Ed.), which one should take as a "no." They do punish the little fish, of course.

As far as I'm concerned, it's Tweedle Dum and Tweedle Dee as between charter and public school financial corruption ... except that there are more public schools than charters and thus a lot more money being ripped off by public school folks than by charter-related folks. And while the UFT and School Boards Ass'n. here may yell about charter corruption, they are not and have not been hitting the Legislature heavily to get serious audit and control systems in place because the corruption is equally pervasive in both the public school and charter industries. The real problem is that in NYS, we do not have a system for serious supervision, audit, monitoring, and control for either the regular public school district industry or the new kid on the block, the charter industry and this is because pols from the Legislature have their hooks quite nicely into both, thank you very much. And the same supervision systems exist both for public and charter schools. Good for the goose ... .

The audits and reports you'll read, if you start looking at the official documents instead of just reading slanted summaries in tabloids (summaries of corruption both in regular and charter schools), are NOT eye-glazing columns of figures concocted by bean counters to induce terminal insomnia. That kind of audit went out of fashion after Enron, with the passage of the Sarbanes-Oxley law. You'll mostly see "internal controls" audits which talk about the processes these organizations have, or should have, to keep their own work on the up and up, and so they can detect and deter fraud in the first place - before they get taken for gazillions of taxpayer dollars. So they're not nearly as bad to read as you might think, and the USDOE OIG report mentioned up top is a nice example.

Charter pro or charter con - read audits!

Dee Alpert, Publisher
SpecialEducationMuckraker.com


Saturday, April 24, 2010

Howler on Ravitch

The Daily Howler, who taught in Baltimore for many more years than Michelle Rhee, did a 4 part series on Ravitch which is very critical from a certain point of view. He posits the question: if Ravitch was wrong once, who is to say she isn't wrong again? Lots to digest here and I don't necessarily agree, but I'm making it available all in one place for people to peruse and criticize. His final conclusion is certainly worth pondering:

Long ago, we liberals quit on this topic. We left the field to conservatives, to business types, to “educational experts.” (We left the field to Wendy Kopp!) Those people actually seem to care. Your side is AWOL, uninvolved.

I've been pondering this idea about the UFT/AFT. Shanker abandoned "this topic" when he supported the Nation at Risk in '82, backed the Clinton Goals 2000 in the 90's and after his death when the Feldman/Weingarten team supported NCLB. In other words, fighting for full funding for public education instead of looking towards market-based low-cost gimmicks like incentives. Looking at outcomes rather than incomes for solutions. Take a look at Rolan Fryer's mea culpa at John Thompson's post at TWIE where Fryer says, " "’To my surprise, incentive programs that rewarded process seemed to be more effective than those that rewarded outcomes." DUHHH!

The battle for real ed reform from teacher unions ended almost 30 years ago, leading them down the path of trailing the ed deformers. And yes, there was a Ravitch/Shanker alliance through much of this standards/accountability process.

Norm

Special report: Ravished by Ravitch!

PART 1—THE ALLURE OF THE SWITCHER (permalink): Diane Ravitch isn’t a household name; for that reason, we’ll start by identifying her. Rather, we’ll let her ID herself. This is the start of Ravitch’s interesting op-ed column in Friday’s Washington Post:

RAVITCH (4//10): I used to be a strong supporter of school accountability and choice. But in recent years, it became clear to me that these strategies were not working.

Ravitch is hot these days. For one thing, she has a new book—a book we look forward to reading, though our expectations for this particular author will be in the mid-level range. And Ravitch is hot because she’s a convert, an apostate, a switcher of tribes. For years, Ravitch was “a strong supporter of school accountability and choice”—a high-level advocate of the policies enshrined in the No Child Left Behind law. Now, Ravitch has switched her views—and she’s very hot.

Let’s say it again—we look forward to reading Ravitch’s book. Ravitch is experienced and knowledgeable, and we’re sure she’s totally well-intentioned, as she has always been. But as we look forward, we remember one point—Ravitch says she was wrong in the past, that her judgments over the past many years have turned out to be largely wrong. (In her own words, it has become clear that the strategies she favored haven’t been working.) In our view, the limitations of some of these strategies always seemed fairly clear in real time. In our view, a sensible person might look forward to reading Ravitch’s book. But he might wonder, at the same time, why Ravitch wasn’t a bit more savvy in the past.

Question: If Ravitch was largely wrong all those years, why should we assume that she’ll be largely right now? For ourselves, we would keep her history of (partial) error in mind as we approach her new work. But for many others, the switcher inevitably carries an allure—especially if the switcher switches over to your tribal side. Example: In Salon, this is the way Mary Elizabeth Williams introduced her recent interview with Ravitch:

WILLIAMS (3/25/10): Diane Ravitch has spent a lifetime in school. She was the assistant secretary of education under George H. W. Bush and an early advocate of No Child Left Behind. Today, she's a research professor of education at New York University, a passionate critic of the system and an articulate, outspoken advocate for saving our public schools. Her new book has the provocative title, “The Death and Life of the Great American School System: How Testing and Choice Are Undermining Education.”

She's certainly got my attention. As a public school parent in New York City, where on Thursday, chancellor Joel Klein threatened to cut 8,500 teaching jobs—20 percent of which would come from the impoverished South Bronx—I've been watching the ongoing fiasco in education reform with a mixture of fear, anger and outright disgust.

The Williams-Ravitch interview is well worth reading. But if Williams has been watching the “ongoing fiasco” with “outright disgust,” we’re not sure why she’s so eager to hear from Ravitch! Ravitch was one of the influential people who stood behind the movement which has long filled Williams with loathing. What makes Williams so eager to hear from Ravitch now?

In our view, Ravitch didn’t judge all that well in the past. This tends to lower our expectations for the judgments we’ll find in her book. In our years of rambling, we’ve noticed one key point: People who were wrong in the past will sometimes be wrong in the future.

That said, Ravitch is a leading voice in the education world. She has studied education policy for decades; we feel quite certain that she’s looking for the best ways to proceed, and that she always has been. Her new book is stirring a lot of interest—and the topics she discusses are, of course, quite important. For that reason, we thought we’d spend a few days this week looking at Ravitch’s op-ed column, in which she sketches the basic ideas driving her new approach.

We the people love a switcher—especially when the switcher crosses over to join our own tribe. For those who have watched the ongoing fiasco with outright disgust, Ravitch once stood with the devils; today, she stands aligned with the angels. But are her judgments any more sound? Tomorrow, we’ll return to her opening paragraph in the Post—and we’ll check a statistical claim.


PART 2—BEING HERE (permalink): It’s natural to turn to “experts” for sources of illumination. This is especially natural in areas which matter deeply, like the operation of our schools. Indisputably, Diane Ravitch is an educational expert—a person who has played a leading role in the educational debates of the past several decades. Rather plainly, she’s a decent, caring person—a person who would like to find ways to serve the children well.

For these reasons, it’s understandable when people like Mary Elizabeth Williams give their attention to Ravitch and her new book (see THE DAILY HOWLER, 4/5/10). But uh-oh! Ravitch now says that her judgments were largely wrong in the past several decades. “I used to be a strong supporter of school accountability and choice,” she writes at the start of Friday’s op-ed column in the Washington Post. “But in recent years, it became clear to me that these strategies were not working.”

By her own account, Ravitch’s judgments have turned out to be (largely) wrong. Should we assume that her expert judgment has suddenly gotten better? Given this recent history, we’d be inclined to trust but verify—to rein in any high expectations. And nothing we saw in Ravitch’s op-ed column would make us rethink that stance.

Tomorrow, we’ll look at a statistical claim which anchored Ravitch’s column. Today, let’s look at the list of basic proposals which anchors her new approach. “It is time to change course,” Ravitch says in her column. She then offers a list of approaches. Below, we list the first five:

RAVITCH (4/2/10): To begin with, let's agree that a good education encompasses far more than just basic skills. A good education involves learning history, geography, civics, the arts, science, literature and foreign language. Schools should be expected to teach these subjects even if students are not tested on them.

Everyone agrees that good education requires good teachers. To get good teachers, states should insist—and the federal government should demand—that all new teachers have a major in the subject they expect to teach or preferably a strong educational background in two subjects, such as mathematics and music or history and literature. Every state should expect teachers to pass a rigorous examination in the subjects they will teach, as well as a general examination to demonstrate their literacy and numeracy.

We need principals who are master teachers, not inexperienced teachers who took a course called "How to Be a Leader." The principal is expected to evaluate teachers, to decide who deserves tenure and to help those who are struggling and trying to improve. If the principal is not a master teacher, he or she will not be able to perform the most crucial functions of the job.

We need superintendents who are experienced educators because their decisions about personnel, curriculum and instruction affect the entire school system. If they lack experience, they will not be qualified to select the best principals or the best curricula for their districts.

We need assessments that gauge students' understanding and require them to demonstrate what they know, not tests that allow students to rely solely on guessing and picking one among four canned answers.

By simple word-count, this represents about one-third of Ravitch’s column. In this chunk of her column, we are told that we need good teachers; we need experienced principals; and we need experienced superintendents. And not only that! Those good teachers should teach such subjects as history and science. We should avoid using assessments (tests) which allow students to rely solely on guessing.

Did Chance the Gardner write this column? (Chance was the Peter Sellers character in the film, Being There.) If one chose to be argumentative, he might even say something like this: Only in a fallen press corps would a major newspaper put such piffle in print.

(By the way: When did anyone ever use a test which “allowed students to rely solely on guessing?” Presumably, the answer is obvious—never. What does it mean when such a proffer escapes the editing process?)

We need to hire good teachers! They should teach history and science! For our money, Ravitch’s proposals only get a bit less underwhelming as she proceeds, although we tend to agree with the thrust of the things she says here:

RAVITCH (continuing directly): We should stop using the term "failing schools" to describe schools where test scores are low. Usually, a school has low test scores because it enrolls a disproportionately large number of low-performing students. Among its students may be many who do not speak or read English, who live in poverty, who miss school frequently because they must baby-sit while their parents look for work, or who have disabilities that interfere with their learning. These are not excuses for their low scores but facts about their lives.

Instead of closing such schools and firing their staffs, every state should have inspection teams that spend time in every low-performing school and diagnose its problems. Some may be mitigated with extra teachers, extra bilingual staff, an after-school program or other resources. The inspection team may find that the school was turned into a dumping ground by district officials to make other schools look better. It may find a heroic staff that is doing well under adverse circumstances and needs help. Whatever the cause of low performance, the inspection team should create a plan to improve the school.

Only in rare circumstances should a school be closed. In many poor communities, schools are the most stable institution. Closing them destroys the fabric of the community.

We must break free of the NCLB mind-set that makes accountability synonymous with punishment. As we seek to rebuild our education system, we must improve the schools where performance is poor, not punish them.

We agree with the general thrust of this passage, and yet the scent of Chance lingers. After explaining the blindingly obvious—many low-scoring schools serve populations of low-income kids—Ravitch offers more Gardnerisms. “We must improve the schools where performance is poor,” she advises. But not before offering this prime nonsense: “Usually, a school has low test scores because it enrolls a disproportionately large number of low-performing students.”

Is this the face of educational expertise? Let’s consider what Ravitch says in this passage in a bit more detail.

First, we agree with one basic point from this passage: “Only in rare circumstances should a [low-scoring] school be closed.” That said, how often have any public schools been closed due to low test scores? This is a type of threat which has sometimes been offered by “strong supporters of school accountability.” But how often has this threat been executed? As far as we know, quite rarely.

More significantly, consider what Ravitch says about the way we should help “schools where test scores are low.” Once again, this is what she says we should do with such schools:

RAVITCH: Instead of closing such schools and firing their staffs, every state should have inspection teams that spend time in every low-performing school and diagnose its problems. Some may be mitigated with extra teachers, extra bilingual staff, an after-school program or other resources. The inspection team may find that the school was turned into a dumping ground by district officials to make other schools look better. It may find a heroic staff that is doing well under adverse circumstances and needs help. Whatever the cause of low performance, the inspection team should create a plan to improve the school.

According to Ravitch, “every state should have inspection teams [which] diagnose what is wrong in these schools.” (As she ends, another Gardnerism: “Whatever the cause of low performance, the inspection team should create a plan to improve the school.”) But please note: As Ravitch has explained in her previous paragraph, the thing that is “wrong” with these schools will routinely involve matters of demographics: Often, the children in these schools will come from low-income, low-literacy, non-English speaking backgrounds. Question: When those “inspection teams” survey these types of schools, what type of “plan” should they create? In more than 800 words, Ravitch makes only the most Gardeneristic attempts to answer this question. (Extra bilingual staff! An after-school program! And even this: “Other resources!”)

Surely, no one but an expert would think of solutions like those. What should teachers of delightful, deserving low-income kids do to address their academic problems? In a familiar bit of evasion, Ravitch doesn’t say.

With apologies to Williams, who has given Ravitch her full attention: After all these years—after all these decades—we find this type of column repellent. We’ve been reading columns like this for forty years—columns in which “educational experts” play the Gardner role, pretending that they have ideas for ways to help low-income kids. How should we help low-income kids? Under the previous Ravitch regime—the regime built around accountability and standards—the answer to this was fairly simple: We should threaten teachers with getting fired, and they will somehow magically figure how to get test scores up. In this new regime by Ravitch, the solution is no less magical. We’re now supposed to send “inspections teams” into these schools, and they will come up with a plan! But what sorts of proposals will be in their plans? Like “educational experts” of time immemorial, Ravitch doesn’t much say. And by the way: The various states simply don’t have such “inspections teams”—teams can somehow magically say how a low-income school can get right. These teams of savants simply don’t exist—except as a novelistic devise to let Ravitch continue to pose as an expert.

We’re certain that Ravitch is well-intentioned. But at some point in time, work like this becomes repellent. Unhelpful too are the liberal saps who line up to drink this Gardneresque stew. Also unhelpful: The familiar data-spinning found at the start of Ravitch’s piece. But when the lives of low-income kids are at stake, work like this—cheered on by liberals—has been the norm for years.


PART 3—DATA DUMPED (permalink): Diane Ravitch is an (educational) party-switcher (see THE DAILY HOWLER, 4/5/10). For that reason, she’s currently hot. “I used to be a strong supporter of school accountability and choice,” Ravitch writes, at the start of an op-ed column in last Friday’s Washington Post. “But in recent years, it became clear to me that these strategies were not working.”

These are very important matters. For that reason, it’s important to know if Ravitch’s foundational claim here is accurate. Is it true that “these strategies” haven’t been working? In the opening paragraph of her column, Ravitch offered a statistic designed to support this stance:

RAVITCH (4/2/10): I used to be a strong supporter of school accountability and choice. But in recent years, it became clear to me that these strategies were not working. The federal No Child Left Behind (NCLB) program enacted in 2002 did not produce large gains in reading and math. The gains in math were larger before the law was implemented, and the most recent national tests showed that eighth-grade students have made no improvement in reading since 1998. By mandating a utopian goal of 100 percent proficiency, the law encouraged states to lower their standards and make false claims of progress. Worse, the law stigmatized schools that could not meet its unrealistic expectation.

Ravitch paints a gloomy picture in the highlighted passage, though her meaning needs to be teased out a bit. From what she writes, it’s fairly clear that there have been gains in math since No Child Left Behind took effect; Ravitch complains that the gains in math were larger before that date. When she discusses reading, she goes back to 1998 to make a gloomy claim—eighth-graders “have made no improvement in reading” since that date.

On the surface, it isn’t clear why we’d go back to 1998 to assess a program (NCLB) which started in 2002. That said, the movement for “school accountability and choice” was in wide effect, at the state-by-state level, long before No Child Left Behind. If there has been no progress since 1998, that would suggest that the foundations of this movement must be severely flawed.

Those statistical claims are very important—but are they actually accurate? First, let’s consider the claim Ravitch made about reading. For our money, this claim is grossly misleading, like other statistical claims we have seen in Ravitch’s work.

Ravitch’s claim helps drive us toward the latest educational fad, just as her work tended to do when she was serving the previous fad. But her claim also misleads the public. When it comes to the lives of low-income children, will this sort of thing ever stop?

Have American kids made progress in reading since 1998? Ravitch refers to the recently-released, 2009 reading scores from the National Assessment of Education Progress (NAEP). On-line, her column offers this link, and so we offer it too. But while Ravitch’s claim is technically accurate in the narrow sense, it is also grossly misleading. In fact, American kids have shown significant progress on the NAEP reading tests since 1998. And they’ve shown massive gains in math during that same period. (The NAEP tests fourth- and eighth-graders, in reading and math.)

Since 1998, what sort of progress have fourth- and eighth-graders shown in reading and math on the NAEP? Let’s start with reading, the subject from which Ravitch cherry-picked that statistic. And let’s review the “disaggregated” data, which lets us examine the progress of our big demographic blocks (white kids, black kids, Hispanic kids) separately.

In fourth-grade reading, American kids seem to have shown good progress since 1998. (Click here, then move ahead to page 9, Figure 4.) Since 1998, white kids have gained five points on the NAEP scale; by the rough rule of thumb which is often used, this would be equivalent to roughly one-half year of growth. And things only get better from there. Black fourth-graders have gained twelve points in reading during that period, roughly 1.2 years. Hispanic kids have made the same gain—twelve points, 1.2 years. Warning! This “rough rule of thumb” is very rough; we long for the day when some major newspaper asks NAEP officials to discuss the meaning of these score gains in some serious detail. (Along with other true experts.) But this rough rule of thumb has been widely used; its surface logic is apparent. (Don’t ask.) If we do apply that rough rule of thumb, those score gains seem quite consequential.

By the way: Children scoring at the tenth percentile have also gained twelve points in reading during that period (move back to page 8, Figure 2). This suggests that our current lowest-achieving fourth-graders are more than a year ahead of their counterparts from 1998. If that’s true, it’s remarkable progress.

The picture in eighth-grade reading is worse. (Move ahead to page 26, Figure 15.) In fact, this is the worst of the four possible measures, which presumably explains why Ravitch featured it. Since 1998, white eighth-graders have only advanced three points on the NAEP scale in reading—perhaps three-tenths of a year. Black eighth-graders have advanced only two points. That said, Hispanic kids have advanced six points—theoretically, more than half a year. Kids at the tenth percentile have also advanced by only three points (page 25, Figure 13). This is the gloomiest of the NAEP’s four subject categories. But do these figures represent “no improvement in reading since 1998?” Maybe it all depends on what the meaning of “no” is.

This brings us to math. In math, fourth- and eighth-graders seem to have shown strong progress on the NAEP just since the year 2000. (The NAEP didn’t test math in 1998.) Black fourth-graders gained a full nineteen points on the NAEP scale from 2000 to 2009. (Click here, move ahead to page 9, Figure 4.) Hispanic kids also gained nineteen points, white kids a mere fourteen. Fourth-graders who scored at the tenth percentile gained eighteen points. And when it comes to math, this pattern obtains among eighth-graders too (move ahead to page 24, Figure 15). Black eighth-graders gained seventeen points on the NAEP scale from 2000 to 2009. Hispanic kids gained thirteen points; white kids gained twelve. Eighth-graders scoring at the tenth percentile gained thirteen points during that period (move back to page 23, Figure 13).

Let’s say it again: We dream of the day when some major newspaper shakes the cobwebs out of its head and asks true experts to offer their take on what these score gains actually mean. But the New York Times has routinely applied that “ten points equals one year” rule of thumb; if that rule of thumb is close to accurate, some rather large achievement gains were indicated in reading and math between 1998/2000 and 2009. What was the cause of these score gains? Did these score gains possibly stem from some worthwhile aspects of the testing/standards/accountability movement? Surely, we might want to find out—or at least ask—before we launch the next fad.

Granted, Ravitch’s newest proposal—We should teach science and history!—doesn’t count as much of a fad, although we whole-heartedly agree with that prescription. (For one thing, deserving children learn how to read by immersing themselves in those subject areas.) For our money, Ravitch doesn’t seem to have a lot of suggestions about where we should go from here—but that has frequently been the case among our “educational experts.” Tomorrow, we’ll offer our own modest thoughts about changes we might engineer in the classroom, although we have no way of knowing what sorts of gains these changes might cause. But we’ll leave you with a couple of questions as we close this morning’s musing:

Was Ravitch conveying an accurate picture when she authored that gloomy claim? (“No improvement in reading since 1998.”) Did her opening paragraph present an accurate picture of the way these NAEP scores actually look? The NAEP tests kids in fourth and eighth grades; it tests these kids in reading and math. Based on the data to which we have linked you, are you sure it’s time for a smokin’ new fad? Time to dump all past procedures?

We ask these questions because they matter—because the lives of those children matter. The lives of our “educational experts” more often seem tied to hot fads.

Tomorrow: Where are the “liberals?”

Since 2002: How about Ravitch’s other claim—the claim that gains in math have slowed in the years since NCLB? This looks like a highly feathered claim. Black eighth-graders gained twelve points in math from 1996 through 2003; that’s 1.7 points per year. They gained nine points from 2003 through 2009; that’s only 1.5 points per year. (On the other hand, Hispanic eighth-graders have gained marginally more in math, on a per-annum basis, since 2003.) But this seems to be an extremely feathered claim—the type of claim which may be technically accurate, but actually tends to mislead.

Remember: The standards-and-accountability movement was in full swing long before No Child Left Behind. Are you as sure as Ravitch seems to be that she was bad wrong the first time?


PART 4—HAVING BEEN THERE (permalink): At the end of last Friday’s op-ed column, Diane Ravitch sketched her vision of where we should take things from here. As a full-fledged educational expert, she continued to write in the style perfected by Chance the Gardner (see THE DAILY HOWLER, 4/6/10):

RAVITCH (4/2/10): We must break free of the NCLB mind-set that makes accountability synonymous with punishment. As we seek to rebuild our education system, we must improve the schools where performance is poor, not punish them.

If we are serious about school reform, we will look for long-term solutions, not quick fixes.

We wasted eight years with the "measure and punish" strategy of NCLB. Let's not waste the next eight years.

Let’s see if we have this straight. According to Ravitch, “we must improve the schools where performance is poor.” We should “look for long-term solutions.”

If we’re reading her correctly, we shouldn’t waste the next several years.

In fairness, we tend to agree with one suggestion, though it’s hopelessly vague—we shouldn’t build accountability efforts around punishment. On the other hand, if someone could propose a “quick fix” for our schools, we would be inclined to take it. If not, we’d be wasting years.

Does Ravitch know what she’s talking about? We’ve wasted the last eight years, she says—but the NAEP data to which she provided a link suggests that American kids have made great strides in math over that period. (See THE DAILY HOWLER, 4/7/10. Fourth-graders also seem to have advanced in reading.) At the fourth-grade level, black kids gained nineteen points in math on the NAEP from 2000 to 2009; in eighth grade, black kids gained seventeen points. Given the rough rule of thumb which is often applied to scores on this test, those seem to be significant gains. Someday, some major newspaper will get off its *ss and ask real experts to comment.

When it comes to those frequently-cited NAEP data, we will keep begging for actual journalism. But given those apparent gains, does it really seem that recent years have been wasted? What would make an “educational expert” make such a claim? We’re not sure, but as we’ve long noted, our “educational experts” rarely seem to know their keisters from the key-holes at their foundations, universities, think-tanks. As a final illustration of this problem, let’s review something Ravitch said right in her opening paragraph.

In this passage, Ravitch describes the days when she herself was a leading player in the accountability movement:

RAVITCH (4/2/10): I used to be a strong supporter of school accountability and choice. But in recent years, it became clear to me that these strategies were not working. The federal No Child Left Behind (NCLB) program enacted in 2002 did not produce large gains in reading and math. The gains in math were larger before the law was implemented, and the most recent national tests showed that eighth-grade students have made no improvement in reading since 1998. By mandating a utopian goal of 100 percent proficiency, the law encouraged states to lower their standards and make false claims of progress. Worse, the law stigmatized schools that could not meet its unrealistic expectation.

Gee! No one could have foreseen the potential problems involved in the drive to mandate super-high-stakes testing! More specifically:

No one could have foreseen the possibility that teachers and principals might start to cheat as increasing pressure was placed on these tests. (Note: We’re speaking here about state-run “proficiency” tests, not about the NAEP, which has never been used for accountability purposes—at least, not until recently.) No one could have foreseen the sheer nonsense involved when fifty different sets of tests all claimed to measure “proficiency,” in the absence of any requirement that states define how “proficient” a child had to be to pass its math/reading tests. And no one could have imagined that states would start to “dumb down” their tests—would make their tests easier over time, thereby creating artificial gains in “proficiency” rates. No one could have foreseen such problems—at least, no educational expert, pronouncing loftily from some Washington (or Manhattan) aerie.

(Again: No one has ever suggested that the NAEP, a federal program, has ever been “dumbed down.”)

In fact, anyone with an ounce of sense could have seen the potential problems involved in the drive to put more pressure on testing—or perhaps we should say, anyone who had actually Been There, anyone who had spent real time inside the nation’s schools. For ourselves, we started teaching in Baltimore in the fall of 1969; by 1971, we were aware of the outright cheating going on in certain schools as part of Baltimore’s testing program. (Duh. We wrote columns in the Baltimore Sun about these problems before the decade was done.) But educational experts often drifted through life. In Ravitch’s case, she threw off one set of prescriptions, failing to foresee the “false claims of progress.” Now, she does a near-180, throwing off a new set of suggestions derived from the film, Being There.

She tells us the last eight years have been wasted. But has she looked at those NAEP test scores? What do those score gains mean?

Ravitch says the last decade was wasted—the decade her own advice helped create. We would suggest that the very NAEP scores to which she linked suggest a less gloomy picture. That said, we ourselves would be embarrassed to throw off the vague new prescriptions Ravitch advances. We need better teachers, she says. They should teach history! And science!

Inspection teams should go into low-scoring schools! They should come up with plans!

Until experts explain those rising NAEP scores, we would suggest that something seems to be working inside our schools. Beyond that, because we’ve actually Been There, we would offer two specific suggestions about where we should go from here:

With regard to testing: We will continue to test each year; we can’t imagine doing otherwise. But: If we’re going to build accountability pressures around these annual tests, we have to create security measures to make sure that teachers and principals don’t cheat. (For the record, we’re speaking here about flat-out “cheating.” We don’t mean “teaching to the test.”) We favor annual testing ourselves. But teachers, principals, and entire school systems began to cheat on their annual tests long ago. Only a full-fledged “educational expert” could start to notice this now.

With regard to instruction: On last night’s NewsHour, New Orleans superintendent Paul Vallas described the challenges his school system faces (click here). The segment was hosted by John Merrow, who has been doing excellent work about public schools on the NewsHour:

MERROW (4/7/10): When school superintendent Paul Vallas arrived in New Orleans three years ago, he faced a tough challenge: how to educate students who are way behind academically or who have gotten in trouble with the law.

This school, Booker T. Washington, was designed for teenagers who are performing at an elementary school level. Although three-fourths of students in Vallas' district are at least one grade level behind, here, the problem is extreme.

VALLAS: I have got 16-year-old seventh-graders and 17-year-old eighth-graders and 18-year-old ninth-graders who are reading at the third- or fourth-grade reading level. Those are—those are tremendous challenges.

Moments later, Merrow played tape of this school’s principal, who seemed to be in a bit of denial. She said the school is trying to help students develop “a mind-set of...wanting to learn, even though they may be three and four grades below or behind their age level.” Are these kids eight to ten years behind, or just three or four? In either case, kids like this need, and deserve, special attention from their very first years in school.

Based on what we saw when we Were There, this is what we’d like to see: We’d like to see grade school kids who are several years “behind” get the chance to be immersed in the world of reading. When they’re taught history, we’d like to see them handed readable text books—but we’d also like to see them get the chance to read tons of readable biographies, and lots of readable historical novels, and specialized books about specialized historical topics. We’d like to see them swimming in maps. Every time they take a book from a crowded shelf, we’d like to see ten more fall on their heads.

Trust us: Grade school kids who are years behind will immerse themselves in reading, if they’re given the chance. They will sit on little chairs and gravely, politely read to each other, as their middle-class peers did many years before. But the society has to develop reading materials which are appropriate for these delightful, deserving children. We’d like to see these children in classrooms which swim with reading materials like that.

If we could wave a magic wand and make that situation exist, how would that affect future reading scores? We have no idea. But: Having Been There, we can at least make this fairly specific suggestion. By way of contrast, Ravitch’s suggestions read like out-take from the film, Being There.

Inspection teams should come up with plans! How does this crap get in print?

We think that column was quite instructive. For our money, it typifies the groaning discussion of public schools in this country. And by the way, where are the liberals? Tomorrow, our musing ends.

Tomorrow: Our tribe quit long ago.

Final question: What should we do in our schools to help deserving, low-income kids? You will never see that question addressed at deeply caring, deeply progressive sites like Walsh’s Salon. People like Walsh are very good at playing the “racial hero” card. But they quit on black kids a long time ago. They don’t give a flying frack about them. The truth is, they never will.

If you doubt us, go search your leading “liberal” sites. Go try to find a single “liberal” presenting a single idea! Go search all the years of KO and Rachel, looking for one single word.

Long ago, we liberals quit on this topic. We left the field to conservatives, to business types, to “educational experts.” (We left the field to Wendy Kopp!) Those people actually seem to care. Your side is AWOL, uninvolved.

How easy it would be to borrow the race-baiting language of Colbert King at this time! When I look in the face of Joan Walsh, I see the face of Louise Day Hicks!

It’s very easy to play these games. If you doubt how easy it is, just watch us liberals as we keep playing race. As we work around the clock, restoring conservative power.